17 Jul 2009

Sample Essay: The Role Of Religion In The Government Of Iran

Iran and the Constitution

There are foundation principles in the Islamic Republic’s Constitution which reflect, its tradition and social relevance of its modern identity.  However,when investigating its numerous articles, it has included the identity of God, and the non-separation of religion and the governmental affairs of its republic.  When God has been interpreted as a divine being which cannot be excluded from the laws of its Republic, than Iran is not willing to accept the difference of religion, as a spiritual and moral attitude which gives the believer faith, not only in society, but also in an extensional cause, but will also have its place in the purpose and decisions of his or her government.

From this standpoint, the affairs which dictate its government has been viewed, as a leading this Republic, in rejecting the same cause for which a foreign nation like America has adopted in its own constitution as the separation of church and state.  This goal which Iran has created, in maintaining the ideas and traditions which have been succeeded from generation, after generation has its relevance in the Constitution of Iran today, thereby reinstating the law of a Divine being who is given its own identity in the Koran.  When this identity has been further established in this religious text, than there are numerous facets that have conflicted with the idea of a constitution, which incorporates the affairs of the government only, because of its relevance to a lifestyle, and more importantly a methodology to accept the different view points of foreign nations, and other religions which do not adhere to the word of the Koran.  Therefore, in establishing a constitution which has been revised numerous times in the course of a modern Iran, it has also established the spiritual affairs of its government, in order to unify its Republic to a universal ideal: the belief of the Koran, and its influence on Iran’s heritage, and its social goal.  This social goal is viewed, as attempting to interpret the ideas of the Koran, and how they reflect the governmental affairs today, in order to achieve median between the religion of the Islamic people, and the dictated laws of his or her Republic.

Article 2 of its constitution has defined an Islamic Republic as a system based on the belief:

There is only one God

Understanding god’s divine nature is fundamental in setting laws

Human beings return to god after death

God is just; Leadership shall continue the revolution of Islam.

In the beginning of this century, the Iranian political system was characterized by that sovereign trait of traditional societies: minimal government.  All the economic and social operations that are exempted from the modern governments were in the beginning stages of Iran. Only in the 10th century did Iran make versions of structures such as bureaucracy, armed forces, and a government assembled under its nation sovereignty, and its primary religious sect. Also, two examples help to clarify the Iranian government in the beginning of twentieth century.

The modern governments were responsible for its national income, in its foreign relations trade of  1900 of the Iranian government.  And the beginning stage of its army the alone existing publication of “army” in Iran in 1900 was the Cossack brigade, a force of fifteen hundred individuals that was founded in 1879 and that occupied the Russian superior employees. In the Iranian religious context, the period of 1848-1851 is viewed as Iran dissociating from its inactivity of precedent and accepting the modern world. This period in Iran is viewed and is often associated, in the forces of internal conspiracy and foreigner intervention, accordingly had imperative questions with regard to its political culture, the department of force, and intensities that were created in its passage to a modern state. The spark for the beginning of this initial phase of constitutional revolution came in 1 May 1896, precisely in the time when the preparations were planned in advance for the national celebration.

In this day, shah visited the la’rnaka Abdul – Azim, near in the old city Rey, south of Teheran.  According to Daniel E. Price, in Islamic Political Culture, Democracy, and Human Rights: A Comparative Study: “The notion that political Islam can be the dominant influence on political systems and public policies in late twentieth-century nation-states is based on the problematic assumption that there is a defined set of principles, ideas, beliefs, and rules that are accepted by most Muslims as the basis of political Islam” (Price 23).  This helps to clarify  the imperative elements of intense activity between the nationhood of Iran and from the clergymen. From the beginning of 1980, the Majles continued playing a important role in the post revolutionary policy of Islamic Republic of Iran.

But since this intervention, the religious text of Iran has become a representation of what has constituted its government. The Majles were also in the center of factionalism elite, and the competition of force in the revolutionary stage of Iran. The Majles, because of their increase of numbers had become a important indicator of its victory in revolutionary Iran.  Their intelligence in this perception helped to solidify the control and its force in other important bodies of government. After the governmental elections of 1992, the Chairman Rafsanjani and his supporters moved itself in order to solidify their influence in other bodies, for example the judiciary and the office of maximum leader. Nevertheless, it is explicit in each one that the parliamentary experience in revolutionary Iran is not without electoral cause. The revolutionary elite has checked the way of access in the Majles. The secular political teams or the parties are not represented in the Majles, and the complex and particularly politicized process of screening of candidates show that the running kyvernw’sa elite in Iran is always determined in order to check the way of access into this body.  Article two, for example states:

that human beings have dignity, value and freedom with responsibility to god. From that concept, several other governing concepts (for example equity & justice) are stated to be secured by:

That the leadership be qualified in regard to the Koran and the Sunnah.

The government should advance the Arts & Sciences.

Oppression in any form is not acceptable.

An example of this has been found and viewed from the elections for the fourth Majles in 1992, where also the government had supervised a process that excluded their various opponents from the objective of reelection. Consequently, this has become a purpose to a sovereign faction influence, and its force as it has decreased, if they do not remove, a representative presence will rival the Majles.

Observing the exceptional lengths to which the Orientals will go in order to sculpt a imagined model of  an Islamic mindset, with the extensive invasions in the premodern history, the ancient religious sources, and the complex based arguments with a view to cause a causal relation between some primitive impulse, and the framework of a modern world, enter a revolutionary stage.   This temptation in order to they require because they deny they speak only with this other, despite so that they imagine its voice. Since the innovation is the factor of determination, in the configuration of questions and terms of a modern Islamic world, it is productive that it is heard, as the real voices of persons and is read in their literature in the frames of innovation, despite the consultation of exclusively premodern texts that has manufactured a reasonable model of theological Islamic motive in the modern world.  The difference between these two approaches constitutes a fundamental question of methodology, in the analysis of populations and cultures of Islamic societies.  According to Joseph M. Upton, in The History of Modern Iran: An Interpretation, “The history of Persia since 1900 has two persistent features: first, the effort to establish a constitutional government; and second, the effort to raise the nation onto the plane of a modern industrialized state (Upton 17).

The approach of Orientals betokens an affair that voices contemporaries Muslim women -, though as a political shade; this is an example, and it has presented beforehand as essential Islamic mindset during this period. Upton explains: “A counterrevolution to destroy the Constitution, accompanied by Russian armed occupation of northern areas, kept the country in a turmoil until the First World War” (Upton 17).  The voices and literature of modern Muslim women could do no better in order to adapt in what the Oriental knows already from its experience.

This revolutionary method is in the juxtaposition with the real voices of the nation, with the  complexity of human reality will ignore the chimera in the liberation of the Orientals. In the last years after the revolution, there have been a liberal point in the Islamic studies, critical with Orientalism, it has tried to focus in a modern medium Eastern and Islamic societies. Unfortunately, this current functions also according to the delivery of Orientals, which it has imagined, and determined in the policy of these societies almost to an exclusive means in the limits of Islam. In these texts, secularism is presented as non-existent or is ignored simply.

We only can appreciate complicating significances of Iranian Revolution 1978-79 in the search of their religious texts. Furthermore, its capital has attempted to exceed the prevailing interpretations that explain the Iranian revolution as an extension of historical intensities between the delivery and its influence on modern identity  This will examine the rise of Islamic political power, as a new effort to accept the challenges of innovation in Iran. Upton explains this case further: “Primarily because of national disunity, the Iranians have been unable in modern times to prevent foreign invasion or intervention or the emergence of successive internal dictatorships” (Upton 129).  The revolution was an historical critical turning-point in the crisis of modern secular policy in Iran; furthermore, it prevented by the authoritarian rule of state for more from two decades– 1960-198, the secular democratic policy was disputed effectively in Iran and a new government force amounted in order to lead its revolution to a viable alternative solution.  The following analysis of modern Iranian policy of history will underline three combining processes in the modern Iranian political life.

The first is the shaping of an authoritarian- Iran in 1953, which had destroyed successfully the already fragile democratic secular political bodies (political parties, unions, and the Parliament) in the Iranian society.  The second is the social and psychological alienation from Iran as an reaction in the processes of “modernization” in the decade of the 60s and 70s. This led to the shaping of a new type of ideology that used the Islamic symbols and ideal in order to provide a current or up to date identity.  This new ideology had very powerful one populist.  Iran in 1978 was the combination of various revolutions opposition that, together, led to a revolution and were also included secularly directed and religiously inspired teams.

Price explains: “The first step in rigorously evaluating the consequences of Islamic political resurgence is the development of an explanation, which will lead to the development of testable hypotheses, as to how and why Islam should influence forms of government and public policies”  (Price 23).  And the two included a wide spectrum of subgroups, each one distinct from other than the opinion of ideology, objective, and his of her styles of their effort. And the Muslim and secular teams oscillated from conservative as liberal. Since the fight at the autocracy and the arbitrary rule of Shah gained the impetus, its content was also to transform the Republic of Islam. The sum of demands of these teams were at a national level and were a voice for elimination of the monarchy, and the dependence of it. In the viewpoints of many Iranians, the two – monarchy and the cooperative of foreigner sovereignty – there was no in between, only extreme causes which clarified the revolutionary tactics. From 1978-79, this was not the first time that an authoritarian monarch, and a foreigner tendency depended on each other and had the same objective of similar protests.  The new factor, in this time was the requirement that a new social class is created that would replace an existing class. This requirement was an effort to eradicate the system of a monarchy.

Upton explains: “But probably more important than the political effects of these developments has been their pronounced unsettling effect upon internal social pressures. Here too, paradoxically enough, the major modifying force has unquestionably been foreign influence” (Upton 129).  Furthermore, the impulse that was the source of political agitation of a revolution had been placed in the movement, as something which had occurred before, in the history of Iran. From the end of 19th the century, the political protests had been realized, though it had been limited in the numbers of participating and in their objectives. Price explains: “It still cannot be concluded that Islam influences human rights policies in predominantly Muslim countries, because that would mean that culture has a significant affect on government policies” (Price 157).

In the late-19th and early-20th protests of century were adversely in the particular arbitrary decisions,  and did not advance its attacks on Iran or its institution of political order.

Ultimately, when the requirements to them were satisfied, most protesting were satisfied and explained in order to abandon and maintain the relations with the monarch or its successor. In the comparison of previous phases with that of the recent decade 1970, it is obvious that a escalation of size and radicalization content in the revolution had been realized. The protesting had increased itself, at the duration of time, least that it reconciles and more revolutionary in their requirements and a way of effort. In the history of Iran, the culture was more than from a way of life, and it has always provided in the persons a reservoir of historical experience of a political revolution and is a means for the political action. Thus, also, it was the religion of a country which is mainly Islam, that helped implemented its affair with the policies of the government. Therefore, culture and religion together have provided a symbolism that have become, an organic trait in the Iranian political activities.

Works Cited

Upton, Joseph M.  The History of Modern Iran: An Interpretation.

Harvard University Press. 1960.

Price, Daniel E.  Islamic Political Culture, Democracy, and Human Rights: A Comparative Study.

Paeger: New York.  1999.

12 Nov 2008

Essays on Reading Lolita in Tehran

Reading Lolita in Tehran is perhaps one of the most significant books of the 21st century, documenting the experiences of women in Iran during the Islamic revolution (roughly 1979 to 1981) and in the aftermath of that revolution. Reading Lolita in Tehran was written by Azar Nafisi and was published in 2003. Reading Lolita in Tehran covers the experiences from Nafisi’s eyes, forming a semi-fictionalized autobiography and scathing critique of Iranian-Islamic society.

Reading Lolita in Tehran follows an atypical format, broken into four parts, with the second and third forming an extended flashback to events occurring prior to the first part. The first part of Reading Lolita in Tehran (Lolita) deals with Nafisi’s resignation from the University of Tehran under pressure for refusing to wear veils in the classroom and her formation of a book club which continues her work of studying western literature.

The second and third parts of Reading Lolita in Tehran (Gatsby and James) follow the course of events through the Islamic revolution and up to the point of the first part of the book. In these sections, Nafisi documents the rapid change in social order and priorities and the growing repression of women which betrayed their support of the revolution. In the final part of Reading Lolita in Tehran (Austen) Nafisi makes preparations to leave Iran and move to the United States to escape the climate of oppression.

  • The underlying theme of Reading Lolita in Tehran is the effects of a rapidly closing society (going from a level of freedom to oppression) upon ordinary people within that society. What other pieces of historic literature are available that would be comparable to Reading Lolita in Tehran. Compare and contrast them.
  • In Reading Lolita in Tehran, many other literary works are mentioned and their themes super-imposed on the events in Iran. Offer a explanatory essay on what these works are and how their themes and lessons reflect on the events of Reading Lolita in Tehran.

Reading Lolita in Tehran is a highly complex work, covering multiple aspects of western literature and its influences on how Azar Nafisi viewed the social changes occurring in Iran. Communicating the influences can be a challenge for even the best of students, yet out writers deal with such communications all the time. Contact us today and let us help you with your assignment on Reading Lolita in Tehran and many other collegiate literary assignments.

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