Introduction
Social Theory and Social Structure is a landmark work by Robert King Merton first published in 1949. It is one of the most frequently cited works in the social sciences as it is a collection of theories and insights within structural – functional paradigm. Merton studied under Talcott Parsons at Harvard and later became professor at Columbia. The book put the task of sociological analysis at a higher level by introducing several concepts in the discipline such as manifest and latent functions/dysfunctions, middle range theories, self-fulfilling prophecy, and reference groups among several others. In this work consisting of almost 700 pages, the author develops a theory of deviant behavior linked to various types of social adaptations. Merton rejects the idea of grand theories for the discipline of sociology and introduces the notion of middle range theories falling between grand theories on one hand and narrow, empirical observation on the other. Like Durkheim, he focuses on objective facts and attempts to delineate objective consequences that are observable from subjective dispositions. He distinguishes latent functions from manifest functions based on functional analysis. While both manifest and latent functions have objective consequences for the social system, the former are intended or recognized, the latter are not. Evidently, of all theorists of social structure, Merton perhaps made the greatest impact on empirical research. That Merton is a “Durkhemian” writing in the functionalist tradition is nowhere more evident than this work. Merton’s major contribution lies in clarification and codification of functional analysis.
Summary
The book Social Theory and Social Structure is divided into four parts. Part I deals with Theoretical Sociology, its history and systematics. Part II is devoted to studies in social and cultural structure, Part III focuses on Sociology of Knowledge and Mass Communication, while part IV looks into Studies in the sociology of science. The chapters in Part I (Sociological Theory) include (I).Manifest and Latent Functions (p.19) (II) The Bearing of Sociological Theory on Empirical Research (p.85) and (III) The Bearing of Empirical Research on Sociological Theory (p.102). The chapters included under part II (Studies in Social and Cultural Structure) are (IV) Social Structure and Anomie (p.131), (V) Continuities in the Theory of Social Structure and Anomie (p.181), (VI) Bureaucratic Structure and Personality (p.195), (VII) Role of the Intellectual in Public Bureaucracy (p.207), (VIII) Contributions to the Theory of Reference Group Behavior (WITH ALICE S ROSSI) (p.225), (IX) Continuities in the Theory of Reference Groups and Social Structure (p.281), (X) Patterns of Influences: Local and Cosmopolitan Influentials (p.387) and (XI) The Self-fulfilling Prophecy (p.421). Part III of the book under the heading “The Sociology of Knowledge and Mass Communications contains” contains the chapters – (XII) The Sociology of Knowledge (p.456), (XIII) Karl Mannheim and the Sociology of Knowledge (p.489) and (XIV) Studies in Radio and Film Propaganda (with Paul F. Lazarsfeld) (p.509). Part IV of the book is placed under the heading “Studies in the Sociology of Science” and the chapters included in it are (XV) Science and the Social Order (p.537), (XVI) Science and Democratic Social Structure (p.550), (XVII) The Machine, the Worker, and the Engineer (p.562), (XVIII) Puritanism, Pietism, and Science (P.574) and (XIX) Science and Economy of 17th Century England (p.607).
In the first part, Merton makes at least two important useful contributions in the field of sociology – the theories of the middle range and the manifest and latent functions. He identifies two unacceptable trends within sociology that are narrow or radical empiricism focused just to collection of data without theorizing and abstract theorizing and consequently recommends sociological theories of the middle range as a solution. The introduction of Manifest and Latent functions in chapter III is designed to improve functional analysis. He introduces the notion of multiple consequences and manifest & latent functions to address some of the problems encountered in sociological enquiry. Merton further discusses the relationship between theory and empirical research and their intimate links at length. Merton cautions against confusing sociological theory with five scientific activities including methodology, general sociological orientations, concepts, interpretations and statements of uniformities and recommends that these activities need to be distinguished from one another. Merton analyzes sociological theory the function of which is to unify disparate empirical findings. In the discussion of social goals and anomie in chapter 6, Merton identifies causes of dysfunctions one among which is the conflict between cultural goals and institutional norms.
Some of the other landmark contributions that Merton makes in this work include contributions to the theory of reference group behavior and the concept of relative deprivation and self fulfilling prophecy. The concept of relative deprivation is related to the concept of reference group behavior in that the concept of relative deprivation is helpful in clarifying what according to Merton is counter intuitive, yet in the absence of a theory, according to Merton, concept alone cannot explain a phenomenon. The theory of reference group therefore has greater explanatory value in understanding the notion of relative deprivation. Merton discusses self fulfilling prophecy under chapter XIII which according to Merton is similar to W.I Thomas’ notion of “situation”. In other words, it is a false definition of the situation attracting a response that makes the originally false conception real in outcome.
The Sociology of Knowledge and Mass Communication (Part III) according to Merton is increasingly gaining prominence in America because the U.S society has come to share certain characteristics with the European societies where the discipline originally developed with the consequence that sociology of knowledge has moved from periphery to the center of attention. In Part IV of the book, Merton examines what he calls the norms of science, a set of basic values that govern scientific communities. These values according to Merton are universalism, communism, disinterestedness and organized skepticism.
Analysis of the Content: Part I (pp. 19-120)
Beginning with the sociological theory and its implications for the discipline of sociology, Merton rejects the two extreme approaches in evidence in sociological enquiry. Thus, according to him both narrow empiricism and abstract theorizing (as in Parsons) must be replaced by middle range theories in sociological enquiry. Merton explains the reasons for proposing middle range theories. According to Merton, we need to develop “special theories applicable to limited conceptual ranges”. Some of the examples of these limited conceptual range theories are social control, reference groups, deviant behavior, the unanticipated consequences of social behavior, and social perception because they can be empirically validated which is an advantage to a sociologist unlikely to be had with “total conceptual structure”. Merton refers to these limited range theories as the middle range theories.
A major concern that seems to engage Merton in Part I is the review of chief modes of analysis in functional reasoning. So, Merton goes on to identify the major problems in functionalism theory and addressing the same. Merton is not satisfied that functionalism invariably sees contributions of practices to cultural system. The second issue with functionalism that he raises is the tendency to confuse subjective category of motive with the objective category of function. He addresses these two issues in functional analysis with the introduction of analytical concepts of multiple consequences and the manifest and latent functions. Merton argues against certain functional assumptions that he identifies as three postulates, that is, the postulate of functional unity of society, the postulate of universal functionalism and the postulate of indispensability (p.87). The introduction of manifest and latent functions that Merton introduces makes a distinct improvement in functional analysis. The distinction between manifest and latent function, according to Merton is effective against confusion between conscious motivations for social behavior and its objective consequences. While manifest functions are intentional and recognized, the latent functions are neither intended nor recognized. The unintended consequences can be functional, dysfunctional or non-functional. According to Merton, sociological theory must be distinguished from methodology, general sociological orientations, analysis of sociological concepts, post factum sociological interpretations, and statements of uniformities. While methodology refers to the logic of scientific procedure, a set of related propositions characterize a theory. Concepts alone do not constitute a theory but they must be interrelated in the form of a scheme. In other words, concepts are variables between which empirical relationships can be identified. Merton highlights active role of empirical research as against passive role of verifying and testing theory.
Analysis Part II (pp.121-438)
In this part Merton defends functionalism against one of its major criticisms that functionalism fails to explain social change. According to Merton, although functional analysis largely focuses on systemic order and maintenance, the issue of systemic change can still be found stemming from internal as well as external sources. Internal change or change within system results from malfunctioning of the social system from within. Merton chooses to elucidate it with the case of conflict between cultural goals and institutional norms leading to anomie. The system is said to be in order or equilibrium when the two (goals and institutional norms) are in agreement, while anomie or disequilibrium results when the two are in conflict. Anomie resulting from conflict within social and cultural structure is understood to be the structural basis for deviant behavior. Merton argues that anomie can be a catalyst for societal change. The five modes of adaptations identified by Merton in context of cultural goals and institutional norms are Conformity, Innovation, Ritualism, Retreatism and Rebellion. While conformity is acceptance of both cultural goals and institutionalized means to achieve them, rebellion, in contrast is the rejection of both.
The reciprocal relationship between concepts and theories in general is best illustrated by Merton in the relationship between a concept of relative deprivation and a theory of reference group behavior. According to Merton, individuals can make three kinds of comparison taking others as a point of reference. These include comparison with others who were in actual association, with those in the same status or category and with those in different social statuses or category, or a combination of the three.
While differentiating concepts from theory, Merton makes it clear that theories need to have wider applicability. A theory, according to Merton, should be generalized enough to take into account both membership and non-membership group orientations. The aim of reference group theory for instance is to systematize the determinants and consequences of a set of social behaviors linked to evaluation and self-appraisal in context of values and standards of other individuals and groups. These other individuals and groups serve as the frames of reference and of comparison.
In other words, while concepts are a part of a theory, the connection between concept and theory must be established so that the concept assists in theoretical clarification and formulation of problem for further inquiry. Yet another important concept that Merton discusses is “self-fulfilling prophecy”. According to him, it is actually how we define a situation that is integral to the situation itself which in turn, in fact, determines the outcome in a way it is defined and is hence peculiar to social life.
Analysis: Part III (PP.439-530)
Sociology of knowledge, according to Merton deals with relationship between knowledge on one hand and existential factors in society or culture such as class, role, values and ethos on the other hand. Knowledge is understood to include idea or mode of thought of every type dealing with the universal range of cultural products. Merton distinguishes the views of classical theorists on sociology of knowledge from those of his own. Thus, ideas have a material basis for Marx; Max Scheler distinguishes between cultural sociology and the sociology of real factors; Mannheim explores varieties of perspectives and knowledge corresponding to a variety of group formations; Durkheim derives categories of thoughts from social structure; and according to the idealist and emanationist theory of Sorokin, source of knowledge is cultural mentalities. The relationship between knowledge and existential factors as defined by these classical theorists are identified either in terms of causal or functional models or in symbolic or meaningful paradigms. However, Merton finds Znaniecki’s concept of “the social circle” useful in analysis of sociology of knowledge.
Merton’s sociology of knowledge is based on five key issues – (i) the existential basis of mental productions, (ii) the varieties and aspects of mental production, subject to sociological analysis, (iii) the specific relationships between mental productions and existential basis, (iv) the functions of existentially conditioned mental productions and existential basis (v) the functions of existentially conditioned mental productions and the conditioned under which the imputed relations obtain. Merton credits Mannheim with offering broad contours of the sociology of knowledge, yet he finds his theory very loose and burdened with dubious philosophical claims, unclear in identifying the range of mental productions with regard to the exact sciences. The theory according to Merton is imprecise and inconsistent in specifying the exact character of the relationship.
Merton identifies parallels between the study of mass communications in America and that of sociology of knowledge in Europe, yet there are important differences that Merton identifies. Mass communication in America has come to be called “popular culture” concerned as it is with public opinion and mass beliefs, while the same in the European version is based on complex systems of knowledge and eventually they get reshaped and distorted as they subsequently filter down into the popular culture.
Analysis: Part IV (pp.531-628)
Merton has made significant contributions to the field of sociology of science. With his analysis, Merton has established a case for sociology of science that examines the linkage between science and social structure. He points out at the neglect of science in sociology. While many sociology text books recognize the social institutions of family, economy, and religion, rarely is science mentioned as a social institution. The sociology of science must be based on empirical observation rather than being a conceptual discipline.
Merton’s thesis in “Puritanism, Pietism and Science” is that the “Puritan Ethic” or ascetic Protestantism was one of the causes that fostered the growth of science in 17th century England. Merton delineates the ethos of science or a set of prescriptive norms that characterize the field of science and scientists. The four prescriptive norms are communism, universalism, disinterestedness, and organized skepticism. These are the four institutional imperatives of science having their source in institutional goal and the technical methods. Communism refers to the social collaboration employed in science so that scientific findings and products are assigned to the community. Universalism refers to the pre-established impersonal criteria to which claims of truth are subjected. Disinterestedness in science and scientific community ensures a structure of control to ensure integrity and resist fraud and cheating despite competitiveness within the community. Organized skepticism comes through socialization within the community that makes scientists critical. These institutional values and norms transmitted through the means of precepts, examples and sanctions are at the core of the scientific community.
However, the scientific community is not free from disputes and deviance. There are disputes over priority despite emphasis on originality and humility. There are systems of rewards allocation in science just, as in other social institutions, for successful performance of roles, for instance, Nobel Prize and naming a discovery after the scientist. However deviance results when aspirations remain unfulfilled. In other words, scientists’ ascription to the value of originality dedicates them to the advancement of knowledge, yet their deep involvement in dispassionate scientific enquiry and successful outcome makes them emotionally vulnerable to failure resulting in deviance within scientific community.
Evaluation of the content
The book in four parts is unarguably a major contribution to the discipline of Sociology. The book has revived the functionalist tradition in Sociology which was in the danger of losing its academic vitality for Merton successfully addresses the challenges against functionalism. While functionalism itself replaced the evolutionary tradition in anthropology as mainstream anthropological approach, its major weaknesses including changelessness, focus on either narrow empiricism without theoretical foundation or on abstract theorizing needed to be addressed. Merton’s introduction of the middle range theories makes a huge sense as the findings can be tested and generalized with the help of empirical data. The bearing of sociological theory on empirical research and the bearing of empirical research on sociological theory bears testimony to Merton’s emphasis on introduction of rigorous standards in the discipline of sociology. On the basis of the discussion in part I, Merton makes claims in favor of sociological theory – logically connected propositions based on empirical data – from which empirical uniformities can be derived. The structural functional approach in sociology, therefore, is a great improvement over functionalism with his primary thrust on use of functional analysis as a research strategy. The concepts of manifest function, latent function, and dysfunction that he introduces are able to accurately describe social stability and change. He links social functions to objective consequences, not subjective dispositions. Merton’s analysis of anomie explains how social structure exerts pressure on some individuals to act in non-conforming ways. Therefore, Merton departs markedly from macro level approach in sociology as evident in the works of Parsons and others. He introduced the notion of middle range theories as appropriate to the discipline of sociology focused to the restricted set of phenomena. The modest explanations could be easily verified through empirical research before they could possibly be systematized into theoretical systems of broader scope and generalization. In his analysis of deviant behavior, he refines Durkheim’s conception of anomie, and like Durkheim, Merton too finds deviance as a consequence of structural disorganization. Social structure is, therefore, at the center of deviant behavior when the universally imposed success goals on the members of a society actually restrict their access to the institutionalized means to achieve them. Under his schema, only a conformist with internalized success goals and institutionalized means to achieve success has access to the legitimate means to achieve their goal.
Merton undertakes rather ambitious projects in the next two parts. The fundamental question that Merton raises is how sociology of knowledge with deep roots in Europe and especially German society and culture could establish in North America. The answer he finds is not in the immigration of German sociologists to the U.S but in the receptivity of the American thought to the problems, concepts and theories dealt by sociology of knowledge. These issues are pertinent to the contemporary American social situation as, the American society has come to share some of the characteristics of the European societies where this discipline first developed. However, it may be pointed out here that Merton fails to make a detailed analysis of the social crisis in America. In fact one might argue that socio-political and economic environment in North America during the post war period has been of economic growth without major social upheavals.
While Merton’s work has influenced approaches to the history of science, his thesis raises a number of difficulties for a comparative sociology of science. Merton has for instance neglected the contribution of Catholicism to scientific change and the role of counter-reformation in the development of western rationalism. However, the work of Talcott Parsons in his comparative studies of historical formation of societal communities is an exception. Merton’s thesis also turns into difficulties in case of Islamic sciences as Turner (1992) points out. Yet it is difficult to ignore Merton’s enormous contribution in the fields of sociology and social anthropology as evident in this work. This is an ambitious work that sets out to define the enterprise of sociology and the methodological approach that social anthropologists should undertake. Merton continues to influence sociology of science by delineating its subject matter and methodology.
Conclusion: This is a major book by Robert Merton that offers us almost complete contributions made by him in the discipline. The four parts of the books clarify the four areas the author has focused on. Since the book has introduced several sociological concepts and identified the theoretical and empirical approach relevant to the discipline, it continues to be the focus of attention of researchers and academicians and is therefore the most cited work in the discipline of sociology and social anthropology. Merton tells us what should be the approach of the discipline of sociology and what the practitioners of sociology and social anthropology should aim at, for instance, Merton is clear that the intellectual requirement of the history of sociological thought should go beyond compilation of sociological doctrine. He proposes the theory of middle range aimed at addressing theoretical challenges faced by the discipline. His work on deviance addresses the challenges against functionalism. A functioning social system need not be static rather the systemic changes can be brought about by deviant behavior. The other conceptual tools like the unanticipated consequences of purposive action, social perception, reference groups, social control etc had been neglected before Merton’s work. Merton could see the inherent weaknesses in the notion of contributions invariably made by part to the whole in a social system as well as confusion between motive, a subjective category and function, an objective category. Merton, therefore, rightly points out that there can be multiple consequences as well as aggregate consequences. Similarly notions of manifest and latent functions address these confusions.
In the introduction to The sociology of science, Storer, Norman W (1993) claims: “If Robert K Merton has not yet been publicly described as a founding father of the sociology of science, there is at least substantial agreement among those who know the field that its present strength and vitality are largely the result of his labors over the past forty years. His work has given the discipline its major paradigm. This judgment is perhaps most decisively affirmed when set forth not by many whose work is guided by that paradigm but by those who find faults with some aspects of it” (p.XI)
Merton offers methodological contributions for the sociology of science. Institutions of science, according to Merton should be empirically and objectively studied through journals and biographies.
References
Merton, Robert K (1968) Social Theory and Social Structure, The Free Press: New York
Merton, Robert K & Storer, Norman W (1993) The sociology of science theoretical and empirical investigations, Chicago: University of Chicago Press
Turner, Bryan S (1992) Regulating bodies; essays in medical sociology, Routledge